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Kenyataan Bercanggah Setiausaha IKRAM

Dalam artikel bertajuk “Warkah Buat Ahli IKRAM_ Menjawab Fitnah Terhadap IKRAM“, Setiausaha Agungnya, Hj Nahar Md Nor telah membuat kenyataan yang bercanggah.

Pada satu bahagian dinafikan bahawa sebagai “Gerakan Islam dan NGO Islam”, IKRAM “bukan jamaah jahat yang cuba merosakkan parti dan organisasi lain”.

Pada bahagian lain pula dinyatakan tentang minat terhadap politik dan justifikasi terhadap parti dan organisasi lain (disebut secara bertulis “PAS”).

Elok sahaja IKRAM mengaku:

1) Terlibat dalam politik khususnya berhaluan pembangkang.

2) Membuat justifikasi terbuka terhadap PAS yang boleh merosakkan parti dan organisasinya.

 

Topi Politik

 

 

Komen terhadap hal dalaman PAS

 

Mahu terlibat dalam politik

 

 
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Posted by on July 22, 2015 in Uncategorized

 

DAP Boleh Berunding Dengan BN Pasal Jambatan, Mengapa PAS Tak Boleh Berunding Pasal Syariat?

[Catatan penuh, jawapan dan ulasan Presiden PAS Dato’ Seri Tuan Guru Abdul Hadi Awang pada sesi dailog Majlis Ramah Mesra Eidul Fitri 1436H bersama anak-anak Terengganu di Perantauan yang diadakan pada 2 Syawal di Markaz Tarbiah Kuala Ibai]

Dari: http://www.buletinonline.net/v7/index.php/dap-boleh-berunding-dengan-bn-pasal-jambatan-mengapa-pas-tak-boleh-berunding-pasal-syariat/

Sebelum saya jawab soalan-soalan yang ditujukan berkaitan dengan isu yang terkini yang dihadapi oleh PAS Pusat, saya ingin menambah kepada jawapan Pesuruhjaya tentang isu Terengganu.

majlis perantau 1436HOrang Terengganu Ada Kedudukan Dalam Sejarah Politik

Kita orang Terengganu perlu menyedari bahawa Terengganu mempunyai satu kedudukan yang besar dalam sejarah Politik tanah air di Malaysia. Terengganu negeri yang paling akhir dijajah. Tahun 1928. Terengganu yang palig akhir, pelaksanaan syariat Islam khususnya bagi semenanjung tanah melayu, bahkan di rantau Asia Tenggara. Maka Terengganu sangat menjadi sasaran kepada gerakan anti Islam sejak dulu sehingga hari ini lebih daripada negeri-negeri lain.

Namun berlaku kejutan yang banyak di Terengganu ini dari segi politik. Perkara yang tidak diduga oleh pemerhati politik. Ketika diadakan pilihnraya tahun 1959, kali yang pertama selepas kemerdekaan, banyak pimpinan PAS di masa itu, mengharapkan kemenangan lebih mudah di Johor, kerana johor merupakan negeri yang ramai orang melayu menjadi melayu Islam. Negeri yang paling dekat dengan Singapura. Merupakan pusat gerakan kebangkitan rakyat di semenanjung tanah melayu. Bahkan penubuhan PAS tahun 1951 adalah bertolak daripada muzakarah ulama’ yang diadakan di Muar, Johor sebelum daripada itu.
Tahun 1959 pilihanraya diadakan, tidak sekaligus, berasingan daripada parlimen dan DUN berasingan dengan satu negeri dan satu negeri. Bermula dengan Perlis. Seluruhnya kalah, bila sampai giliran Terengganu, tiba-tiba menang. Sebelum Kelantan. Terengganu menang dulu, baru Kelatan. Orang Terengganu menjadi sasaran. Mereka menganggap bahawa kubu PAS ialah di mana adanya pondok. Semua pusat pondok di Terengganu dihapuskan. Tinggal segelintir sahaja. Kelantan kedah masih ada. Kerana pusat pendididkan merupakan benteng terakhir kepada gerakan Islam. Tidak boleh dinafikan. Orang Terengganu dibelasah habis-habisan bukan sahaja dari segi politik, dari segi pendidikan, dari segi pembangunan, paling ditinggalkan. Paling dibelakangkan. Di seluruh negeri pantai timur dan wiayah timur.

perantau 1436BN Khianat, Langgar Perjanjian, Langgar Perlembagaan

Tiba-tiba kita menang lagi tahun 1999. Diambil langkah, menghapuskan royalti petroleum. Dirampas bodoh-bodoh begitu saja. Melanggar perjanjian, melanggar perlembagaan. Dia tak buat pada Kelantan, dia tak buat pada Sabah. Terengganu dia buat begitu. Kerana mereka menjangka disini ada kekuatan, sumber, tenaga yang banyak, yang boleh membantu negeri-negeri lain. Itu yang sebenarnya. Banyak kita (orang) Terengganu tak sedar, kita ada kekuatan kita sendiri. Disana ada langkah politik yang diambil dari Barisan Nasional. Iaitu melalui Pilihan raya. Daripada 222 dua kerusi parlimen, kita perlu mendapat majoriti dua per tiga. Mereka sengaja meletakkan kawasan yang luas dan banyak pengudi, di Kedah, Kelantan dan Teregganu, satu parlimen 100,000, 80,000 (pengundi). Di Johor satu parlimen 20,000. Putrajaya 16,000 satu parlimen. Ini satu persepadananyang sangat tidak adil.

Sejak dulu, namun kita boleh mencapai kemenangan juga. Sebanyak dua kali. Dan kita, menjadikan Barisan Nasional mendapat majoriti yang tipis, lebih daripada satu perdua kawasan DUN di Teregganu ini. Mereka meletakkan lapan parlimen hanya dua yang tak ada (ramcangan tanah) Felda, Kuala Terengganu dan Marang. Semua kawasan yang lain parlimen ada Felda. Diletakkan peneroka peneroka sebagai pengundi deposit kepada mereka untuk menang pilihanraya. Ini kesilapan UMNO dalam mengekalkan kuasa. Hari ini sudah ada kalangan UMNO yang berpandangan cara yang dibuat (oleh Umno) itu selama ini merosakkan negara sendiri. Namun kita sebagai orang Terengganu kena sedar, kewajipan berpolitik dari segi Islam. Politik ini bukan satu kerja main-main. Kerja sambi lewa. Kerja boleh buat acuh tak acuh. Nabi kita Muhammad S.A.W berhijrah dari Mekah ke Madinah (adalah) kerana apa? (kerana) politik. Untuk mendirikan Negara, kita hari raya kita boleh balik, tapi kalau nak mengundi, payanh nak balik. Kita menganggap hari raya lebih penting dairipada mengundi. Padahal mengundi untuk, memberi kuasa poltik kepada Islam.

Kefahaman ini perlu ditanam di dalam rakyat bukan sahaja Perantau termasuk dalam negeri sendiri. Ada dikalngan kita yang semangat dengar ceramah. Tetapi tak daftar untuk mengundi. Ada dikalngan kita yang sanggup sumbang duit tambang kerana nak pergi dengar ceramah. Tetapi tak pergi mengundi kalau tak ada orang ambil kereta depan rumah. Ini kelemahan-kelemahan yang berlaku, yang kita kena perbetulkan, kena beritahu, fahamkan bahwa, politik adalah fardhu ain. Untuk menegakkan Islam, menjadi kuasa pemerintahan.

20150718_225516Harapan Umat Islam Dalam al-Quran

Kemudian soalan yang berkait dengan soalan tumbuhnya kumpulan yang dikatakan ‘harapan baru’. Harapan kita telah ditetapkan oleh Allah di dalam al-Quran, tak pelu cipta lah. Dalam al-quran dah ada. Tuhan dah tentukan harapan. Allah berfirman di dalam al-Quran (yang bermaksud), “jika sekiranya kamu berasa sakit, untuk mengakkan Islam ini, maka mereka yang melawan kam jua akan merasa sakit,”, Tuhan kata (dalam al-Quran yang bermaksud) “Dan kamu berharap kepada Allah, apa yang mereka tidak harapkan,”

Harapan kita adalah kemenangan dunia dan akhirat. Kemenangan dunia untuk menegakkan Islam dan diterima oleh Allah untuk hari akhirat. Ini lah harapan kita. Tak ubah. Dan nabi kita Muhammad SAW mengajar dalam kita berpoitik ini, ada dua bahagian. Yang pertama dinamakan ‘Sawaabit’. Perkara yang tetap, yang tidak berubah. Yang kedua dinamakan ‘Mutaghaiyirat’, Perkara yang berubah.

Perkara yang tetap ialah perkara yang menjadi akidah kepada perjuangan, akidah dasar dan matlamatnya tidak berubah. Mutaghaiyirat ialah taktik, strategi dan pendekatan. Ini berubah. Jangan lah kita celaru, tak boleh celaru. Yang dia buat maam-macam ini kerana celaru. Boleh (ke) ubah Islam ini (jawabnya) Tak boleh. Perkara akidah, dasar dan matlamat tak boleh ubah. Diajar oleh nabi kita Muhammad SAW apbila berada di Mekah. Belum ada negara, peringkat lemah. Dan diajar seteah adanya Negara. Dalam suasana bersama dengan orang Islam, dan bersama dengan orang yang bukan Islam. Yang menyokong perjuangan Islam. Disana ada orang Islam yang bersama dengan akidah. Disana ada orang yang bukan Islam yang menyokong perjuangan Islam. Ini ditangani oleh nabi kita Muhammad SAW, ketika berada di Mekah.

Nabi telah mengambil pendekatan yang diamalkan oleh orang-orng jahiliyah sebelum kedatangan Islam. Membela keluarga, membela orang yang dizalimi, memberi perlindungan kepada orang yang minta perlindungan. Samada di atas semangat keluarga ataupun di atas semangat menundukkan kekuatan. Nabi ambil walaupun perkara ini jahiliyah. Ini pendekatan. Di mana nabi memaggil keluarganya bani mutalib, dan bani hasyim, di atassemangat keluarga, di atas semangat untuk menolong orang yang teraniaya dan ditindas, yang tdak bersalah, untuk memberi perlindungan dan abu talib memanggi keluarganya, abu talib tak Islam. Memanggl keluarganya, bani mutalib dan bani hasyim, untuk melindungi nabi Muhammad SAW. Mereka merekasemua sanggup, sangup kecuali Abu lahab yang tak setia. Mereka melindungi dan nabi mengambil pendekatan ini daripada orang Islam dan orang bukan Islam.

20150718_230944Tahaluf Siyasi

Di Madinah, nabi mengajak orag-orang yahudi musyrikin, Kristian untuk bertahaluf, bersefahaman dengan Negara Islam di Madinah. Apabila pemimpin musyrikin mendesak nabi meninggalkan akidah, meninggalkan dasar, membatalkan matlamat, apabila pemimpin mekah menghantar wakil bertemu abu talib, berjumpa dengan abu talib, minta pujuk Muhammad berhenti berjuang menegakkan Islam. Jangan Cakap pasal Islam. Jangan ganggu mereka. Bawa diri masing-masing. Jangan ckap pasal Silam. Maka dengn tegas nabi jawap “demi Allah! Sekiranya mereka meletakkan kananku, dan bulan di kiriku, supaya aku meninggal urusan ini, ataupun aku mati kerananya, aku tidak berganjak, “kita nabi. Ini dia. Di Madinah begitu juga. Bila orang yahudi mintaa nabi membtalkan pelaksanaan syariat Allah taala menurunkan ayat “hukum apayang tuhan turunkan kepadamu, jangan ikut hawa nafsu mereka dan berwaspada dengan godaan mereka, “. Maka Nabi tdak berganjak.

Dalam hal ini, PAS sangat berpengalaman, bertahaluf dengan semua kalangan. Sebelum merdeka, pimpinan PAS, belum ada PAS lagi, sudah bertahaluf dengan komunis, group kiri, sosialis, dengan nasionalis, bertahauf dengan mereka ini. Untuk menentang British. Bila sampai masa, mereka mendesak PAS untuk meninggalkan akidah, dasar, maka dibatalkan perseahaman itu. Selepas merdeka, PAS pernah bertahaluf dengan Parti Negara, di Terengganu, memulakan kerjasama dengan Parti Negara, Dato’ Onn diberi kawasa Kuala Terengganu untuk bertanding, Dato’ Onn yang kalah di Johor, DUN pun kalah, maka Terengganu yang dimenangi PAS tiga belas kerusi, Perikatan UMNO MCA tujuh kerusi, Parti Negara Empat kerusi, untuk menambah kekuatan PAS di Terengganu, maka diadakan kerjasama dengan Parti Negara. Yang menang empat kerusi. Diberi Parlimen Kuala Terengganu kepada Dato’ Onn, PAS pernah mengadakan kerjasama dengan tidak berganjak daripada dasar, akidah dan matlamat. Tapi Parti Negara dia mati.

Tahun 1970, selepas belakunya (peristiwa) 13 Mei, UMNO ajak PAS kerjasama untuk mewujudkan perpaduan Negara. Maka PAS bersedia dengan lapan syarat. Syarat yang pertama mengizinkan PAS menyatakan Islam di dalam keajaan. Tdak ada gangguan. Yang kedua mengizinkan PAS menerapkan dasar-dasar Islam dalam kerajaan. Yang ketiga, PAS tidak terikat dengan disiplin Parti Perikatan untuk mengkritik kerajaan. Lapan semua, saya tak ingat lima (perkara) lagi. Dan kita menyertai kerajaan. Dari tahun tujuh puluh, kerajaan campuran, tujuh puluh empat menubuhkan barisan nasional, tujuh puluh lapan, apa yang berlaku pertembungan di dalam kerajaan kerana kita telah berjaya mencetuskan kebangkitan Islam di Pusat-Pusat pengajian Tinggi, di Kementerian-Kementerian, dan jabatan-jabatan kerajaan. Maka muncul kefahaman untuk melaksanakan syariat maka berlaku pertembungan diantara group Islam dengan group yang tidak mahu kepada Islam di masa itu yang berakhir dengan krisis Kelantan menjadi peluang untuk mengasingkan PAS dari Barisan Nasional.

Yang terakhir untuk meringkaskan masa, kerjasama kita dengan DAP, dengan PKR. DAP dasar dia sosialis, sekularisme. PKR dasar dia sekularisme. Kita dasar kita Islam. Tahun dua ribu satu, DAP mendesak PAS supaya mendiamkan agenda menegakkan Negara Islam. Kita kata tak boleh. Dia tak ada hak untuk kita diamkan agenda Islam ini. Kita tak suruh dia diamkan sosialis. Tak suruh dia diamkan agenda perjuangan dia. Dia paksa kita suruh diam. Tak boleh. (Dan) akhirnya dia keluar daripada barisan Alternatif. Kali ini, dia minta kita tangguhkan pelaksanaan syariat Islam di Kelantan. Cerita pelaksanaan syariat di Kelantan ini, bukan cerita baru. Sejak tahun 1959. Kemudian baru diketengahkan pada tahun 1990. Untuk menggubal syariat Kelantan tahun Sembilan puluh. Melibatkan tokoh-tkoh imuwan Islam dan ulama’.

20150718_214816 (2)Menggubal Enakmen Syariah

PAS menubuhkan jawatankuasa untuk menggubal syariat, PAS lantik saya menjadi pengerusi masa itu, Dato’ Wan Mutalib,Tun Salleh Abbas, bukan calang-calang orang, bekas ketua hakim Negara, almarhum (Dato) Ustaz Harun Taib, Dato’ Abdul Halim Muhammad, bekas penasihat undang-undang negeri Kelantan, bekas EXCO. Dato’ Paduka Abdul Halim Abdul Rahman, kerajaan Kelantan menubuhkan jawatankuasa, pengerusinya Dato’ Halim, anggotanya Proffesor Ahmad Ibrahim, UIA, Dato’ Halim, Dato’ Daud, Ketua hakim Mahkamah Syariah Kelantan, Kelantan terpaksa berheni kerana UIA minta Professor Ahmad Ibrahim dan Dr. Ahmad Saidol tarik diri. Namun kita berjaya menggubal undang-undang syariat, tempatnya rumah Dato’ Wan Mutalib (Embong). Di rumah dia. Kita mesyuarat beberapa kali. Ada peranan. Kita mempunyai peranan yang besar. Dalam menggubal undang-undang syariat. Sebelum kita bawa ke dewan negeri Kelantan, kita lalui proses demokrasi. Iaitu lah demokrasi dibentangkan kepada rakyat. Diajak NGO-NGO yang bukan Islam, termasuk DAP, termasuk MCA, termasuk UMNO, termasuk NGO Kristian, Hindu, Budhha dan lain-lain. Kita buat dialog. Habis dialog, barulah kita bawa ke Dewan (Undangan) Negeri Kelantan.

Setelah dibawa ke Dewan (Undangan) Negeri Kelantan, (kerajaan) Kelantan mendapat surat amaran daripada Perdana Menteri pada masa itu. Beri amaran kepada Tok Guru Menteri Besar Kelantan. Jangan laksanakan syariat. Namun kita terus hidupkan dengan ada seminar di Kelantan tiap-tiap tahun, ada bulan hudud. Tiap-tiap tahun, bukan musim pilihanraya. Kemudian kita bawa ke Parlimen tahun 1990-an. Saya sebagai ahli parimen membawa usul persendirian di Parlimen, tetapi mengikut usulnya mesti melalui proses peraturan Parlimen. Terpaksa ditunda, kerana agenda kerajaan lebih diutamakan. Sebarang usul persendirian mestilah terlebih dahulu seorang menteri membawa untuk mengizinkan kita boleh ke (atau) tidak membawa usul. Sehinggalah yang terkini, berlaku perundingan dengan (antara) kerajaan Kelantan dan kerajaan pusat untuk melaksanakan syariat.

IMG-20150718-WA0095Membawa Usul Akta 355 Ke Parlimen

Perundingan antara kerajaan Kelantan dengan kerajaan pusat. Adakah tak boleh, kerajaan hendak berunding dengan pusat untuk bincang pasal melaksanakan syariat, DAP boleh berunding pasal jambatan. Kita tak boleh pasal syariat. Mana (boleh)? Kalangan yang lelak taka da yang tolol. Ada yang tak faham dalam masalah ini. Kita tak boleh nak bincang pasal syariat. Dia nak bincang pasal jambatan kedua boleh. Mana kita orang PAS? Setelah kita bincang akhirnya, ada dua perkara. Yang pertama (perkara) 76 A. yang kedua (Akta) 355. (Perkara) 76A, membolehkan semua undang-undang jenayah syariat dilaksanakan. Memerlukan majoriti dua per tiga. (Akta) 355, pindaan kepada jadual Sembilan. Iaitu lah (hukuman) tiga, lima dan enam iaitulah tiga tahun penjara, lima ribu ringgit dan enam kali sebatan. Itu mengikut jadual Sembilan. (Akta) 355 enakmen dipinda kepada hukuman yang sesuai mengikut hukuman syariat. Kerana (Akta) 355 ini meletakkan mahkamah syariat lebih rendah dari mahkamah majistret. Dengan pindaan ini, merangkap mahkamah syariat dengan tidak menyebut berapa hukuman daripada (Akta) 355 kepada hukuman yang mengikut syarat Islam. Itu pindaan di mana pindaan ini, boleh diaksanakan dengan ‘simple majoriti’. Dengan lebih satu undi, mereka yang hadir di parlimen. Kita mahu bawa dua, iaitu (perkara) 76A dan (Akta) 355.

Ada kalangan, termasuk dalam kalangan (ahli) PAS sendiri yang menyatakan bahawa kalau bawa (Akta) 355, DAP boleh sokong, (perkara) 76A DAP tak sokong. Kerana majoriti dua pertiga. DAP tak sokong. Berlaku ketegangan, akhirnya kita buat dialog dengan DAP, buat dialog dengan DAP, buat dialog dengan PKR, buat dialog, kita tak bergajak dengan matlamat kita. Akhirnya setuju bahawa usaha untuk melaksanakan syariat adalah usaha hak negeri Kelantan. Kerana hujah kita proses melaksanakan syariat dibawatahun 90-an. Belum ada Pakatan Rakyat lagi. Pakatan Rakyat tahun2004. Dia tak ada hak ke atas Kelantan. Dan kita tak bawa ke Kedah, tak bawa ke Selangor, kerana keadaannya berbeza.

Akhirnya, mereka kata (perkara) 76A itu payah nak sokong tapi kalau (Akta) 355, boleh. Akhirnya, kita mengambil yang mudah dahulu. Uamak mengatakan “kita boleh menolak kemudaratan mengikut kemampuan yang ada pada kita “. Kaedah fiqh mengatakan “barang yang kita tak boleh buat semua, jangan tinggal semua “. Maka cukup dengan (pindaan Akta) 355 dulu, hukuman sebat mengikut adat, mengikut cara Islam. Jumlahnya mengikut cara Islam. Adatnya mengikut Islam, bukannya hukuman penjara seperti hari ini. Hukuman pengampunan, dalaqi, jenayah, qisas, ini boleh dilaksanakan. Ganti rugi, boleh dilaksanakan. Termasuklah (dalam Akta) 355. Mereka menganggap ini sudah melanggar kerjasama antara Pakatan Rakyat. Mereka minta kita jangan sebut pasal syariat.

20150718_222802Isu Kalimah Allah

Yang kedua yang berkait dengan (isu) kalimah Allah. Memang kalimah Allah pada asalnya boleh digunakan oleh semua kaum. Kita tak boleh larang (pnggunaan) kalimah Allah ini, sebab tuhan pun sebut dalam al-Quran, “jika engkau tana mereka siap yang jadikan langt dan bumi, semua kata Allah “. Orang Islam kata Allah, orang Kristian kata Allah, orang Hindu kata Allah, orang budhha pun kata Allah. Orang musyrikn mekah pun kata Allah. Itu hak dia. Bahkan kita orang Islam dibolehkan memakan sembelihan orang kafi dan yahudi, kerana dia sebut nama Allah. Kerana ada gerakan Kristian, untuk mengelirukan orang Islam dengan menggunakan kalimah Allah di dalam ‘Bible’, bagi masyarakat melayu yang jahil, yang buta agama, maka menjadi hak kepada mufti untuk memberi fatwa.

Menjadi hak kepada agama untuk bertindak kerana syarat mengatakan “perara-perkara itu mengikut qasar mereka yang melaksanakan perkara tu. Qasar diauntuk mengelirukan maka majlis ugama boleh bertindak. Dalam hal ini, DAP campur tangan. Campurtangan walaupun ada pandagan Mufti Pulau Pinang, dia campur hal mufti pulau Pinang. Mufti di Pulau Pinang di bawah Agong, bukannya di bawah Ketua Menteri. Kerana mengikut kepada enakmen pentadbiran agama Islam, hal ehwal negeri Islam, negeri yang raja, raja (bertanggungjawab). Negeri yang tiada raja, Agong, bukan ketua menteri. Yang ketiga. Apabila DAP mencadangkan untuk mengadakan pilihanraya majlis perbandaran, kita tak setuju.

20150718_215324Pilihanraya Kerajaan Tempatan

Mengapa tak setuju ? kita kata ini menempah pergaduhan kaum. Kerana kalau buat pilihanraya tempatan mengikut proses pilihanraya yang ada pada hari ini, 99% Bandar di Malaysia ini, ditadbir oleh kaum cina sahaja. Kaum cina sahaja tadbir. Sedangkan hujah saya mengatakan bahawa mengikut ilmu sosiologi, sesuatu bandar itu tak boleh hidup dengan penduduk dia sahaja. Ada petani, ada nelayan ada pemandu teksi, ada pegawai kerajaan, pelbagai NGO, dengan sebab itu, Bandar pengurusannya perlu diwakili oleh semua kalangan bukan satu kaum sahaja. Kita terima pilhanraya, tetapi mesti mel alui proses yang mewakilkan semua kalagan, untuk menghalang ketegangan kaum. Dibawa juga di dewan undangan Pulau Pinang. Dibawa juga dewan undangan Selangor, kita nak bawa pasa undang-undang syariat Islam, di Kelantan dia bising. Hal-hal yang macam ni merupakan perkara yang kita tak boleh tolak ansur. Ada dikalangan kita, yang baru masuk PAS tahun 2000, baru masuk PAS tahun 90-an, merasakan kita perlu menyelamatkan pakatan rakyat, lebih dari menyelamatkan akidah perjuangan.

Ini kita tidak boleh tolak ansur. Apalagi apabila pemilihan PAS, dilakukan kempen oleh DAP. DAP kempen pemilihan PAS. Berperanan dalam pemilihan PAS. Sebab itu saya sudah melihat proses campurtangan DAP dalam pemilian PAS ini sejak, lama. Saya biarkan. Sehingga tiga hari lagi muktamar saya mengeluarkan kenyataan kepada media terpulang kepada PAS, samada ingin memilih calon yang mereka pilih sendiri, atau calon yang disokong oleh DAP. Akhirnya mereka tergamam, tak boleh nak jawab dalam masa dua tiga hari. Dan berlaku lah proses muktamar PAS.

Kemudian akhirnya, dalam perkara Islam ini kita kena faham, perkara mutaghaiyirat, perkara yang boleh berubah, taktik dan strategi, peraturan-peraturan yang dibuat mesyuarat. Memang mesyuarat boleh berubah buat keputusan. Mengikut kaedahnya, termasuk perkara yang berubah, kalau jadi keputusan mesyuarat, kita wajib patuh keputusan mesyuarat. Keputusan muktamar, wajib patuh pada keputusan muktamar. Ini adab kita berparti. Nabi kita Muhammad SAW dalam sirahnya, dalam peristiwa uhud, belum dapat maklumat musuh nak serang Madinah lalu mengadakan mesyuarat dengan sahabat-sahabatnya. Pandangan yang ertaa mengatakan bahawa leih baik bertahan di Madinah. Lebih strategik.

Kalau bertahan di Madinah, kita boleh menentang msuh di lorong-lorong. Kaum muslmat boleh menentang musuh di rumah masing-masing melalui jendela. Pandangan disokong oleh Abdullah bin Ubai, pemimpin Munafiq. Dia sokong pandangan ini, kerana dia senang nak lari. Dan nabi sendiri cenderung kepada pandangan ini. Pandangan bertahan di madinah. Pandangan kedua ialah pandangan kalangan pemuda. Khususnya mereka yang tidak terlibat dengan peristiwa Badar yang mendapat kelebihan menyatakn bahawa adalah lebih strategik, kita menentang musuh di luar Madinah, di Uhud. Kerana kaau kita lawan di Madinah, kita tewas di Madinah, maka Madinah ditakluk oleh musuh. Kalau kita lawan di luar Madinah, kita tewas, Madinah masih bebas. Dan kita boleh mengambil langkah untuk menghalang lagi musuh selepas itu. Akirnya lebih ramai erpandangan untuk lawan luar Madinah. Dan nabi menerima pandangan ini. Abdullah bin Ubai, yang tidak berpuas hati dengan pandangan ini menarik diri tiga ratus dari seribu, lari daripadanya.

Saya dengar cerita, nak ubah nama, daripada G18, kepada harapan baru. Sebab geng lapan belas ni ada satu kumpulan gangster di Pulau Pinang, nama geng lapan belas. Tak jadi….. ubah nama baru. Tak apa lah.

(Kemudian dalam perang Uhud) Tiga ratus berundur. Dan mereka jumpa nabi, nak tarik balik cadangan pergi ke Uhud, Tidak! Bila seorang Rasul sudah mendapat keputusan dalam mesyuarat, akan teguh dengan keputusan itu. Dan apabila mereka pergi ke Uhud, tak ikut arahan. Berlaku lah ketewasan dalam uhud. Memangsakan syuhada’ tujuh puluh orang. Ramai yang luka, termasuk nabi yang luka. Namun demikian Allah menurunkan ayat (yang bermaksud) “Maka dengan apa rahmat yang Allah kurniakan kepada kamu wahai Muhammad, kamu tidak bersifat kasar, maka Allah taala menjadikan keadaannya baik, tapi sekiranya engkau kasar wahai Muhammad, ramai lah orang lari dari mu, istighfar untuk mereka, maafkan mereka, dan terus bermesyuarat, justeru apabila lah menjadi keazaman, betawakkal kepada Allah”.

20150718_222203Istighfarkan Untuk Mereka

Apakah tindakannya? tindakannya (adalah) al-Quran kata, istighfarkan untuk mereka, harap Tuhan maafkan mereka, supaya mereka sedar dan insaf, tetapi sekiranya, mereka masuk parti lain, perlembagaan PAS mengatakan, automatik, bila tubuh parti lain, keluar dari PAS. Begitu juga, sekiranya dilihat oleh kepimpinan, melakukan tindakan yang sangat negatif terhadap parti, maka Jawatan kuasa disiplin boleh mengambil tindakan terhadap mereka ini. Dalam sejarah PAS ini bukan kali yang pertama. Tahun 1951, Presiden PAS keluar PAS masuk Parti Negara. PAS tak matiHaji Shmad Fuad masuk parti negara. PAS disertai oleh kalangan yang lebih kuat. Professor Ahmad Ibrahim yang UIA tu, AJK PAS Pusat tahun 1954, setelah pimpinan PAS yang utama keluar daripada PAS, masuk orang baru. Ini sejarahnya. Tahun 1950-an, 60-an,Setiausaha Agung keluar PAS. Tahun 1978, apabila berlakunya krisis Kelantan, di mana, ahli-ahli mesyuarat tak setuju dengan presiden PAS pada masa itu. Majoriti sokong presiden PAS pada masa itu. Jangan pecat Datuk Mohd Nasir. Akhirnya pecat Datuk Mohd Nasir. Dan berlaku darurat di Kelantan, jatuh kerajaan Kelantan. Apa yang menarik (adalah), sebahagian besar mereka yng sokong Datuk Mohd Nasir tak keluar PAS. Terus bersama dengan PAS. Sebahagian lagi, lebih dari sepuluh orang, keluar dari PAS.

Walaupun lebih dari sepuluh orang keluar daripada PAS, kita tak jatuh. Tahun 1982, ekoran krisis ini, daripada empat ahli parlimen masa itu, tiga ahli parlimen keluar parti, tinggal Tok Guru Nik Aziz seorang. Tinggal seorang ahli parlimen. Ahli-ahli kita bertambah. Apa yang berlaku pada hari ini, selepas krisis ini, kita menerima ahli baru, tiap-tiap bulan, tak kurang dari lima ribu. Ini perkembangan yang sangat menarik. Walaupun lapan belas orang keluar isytihar keluar parti, yang masuk ahli baru, 5,000 (orang), lebih dari 5,000 (orang) pun ada kadang-kadang. Itulah jawapan kepada soalan-soalan itu.

 

 

 
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Posted by on July 22, 2015 in Uncategorized

 

Strategis licik PAS bolos masuk sebagai Calon BN di DUN Manjoi

Dalam Pilihanraya Umum ke-13, UMNO ternyata tersilap strategi ketika memilih seorang calon baru BN bernama Mohamad Ziad Bin Dato’ Hj Mohamed Zainal Abidin untuk bertanding di kerusi DUN No.23 Manjoi, Perak. Umum mengetahui bahawa BN, dalam keadaan terdesak, memerlukan seorang calon berlatarbelakang pendidikan agama bagi menentang calon PAS, Haji Asmuni bin Awi yang merupakan Pengarah Pilihanraya PAS Perak dan bekerja sebagai Peguam. Justeru, pemilihan menantu bekas Menteri Besar Perak, Tajol Rosli, menepati keperluan terdesak ini. Apa yang tidak diketahui umum adalah Mohamad Ziad sebenarnya seorang strategis licik PAS yang bekerja secara tersendiri tetapi berjaya melaksanakan misi merekrut ramai professional muda ke dalam PAS.

Penglibatan Mohamad Ziad dengan PAS bermula semenjak zaman persekolahan lagi. Beliau kemudiannya mengikuti pengajian A-Level di Maktab Sains Mara, Kuala Lumpur (Kini Kolej Politek Mara) pada tahun 1993. Dengan asas sekolah agama, beliau berkeupayaan membimbing rakan-rakannya memahami Islam dan matlamat perjuangan PAS. Kedudukan Maktab Sains Mara KL yang berada tidak jauh dari Taman Melewar juga memudahkan pelajar-pelajar ini mengunjungi Markaz Tarbiyyah PAS bagi memahami dengan lebih lanjut perjalanan organisasi itu. Pelajar-pelajar ini kemudiannya menubuhkan kumpulan yang dipanggil tanzim. Mohamad Ziad adalah seorang yang low-profile. Beliau tidak memegang jawatan Amir. Sebaliknya, beliau selesa memegang jawatan Ketua Lujnah Tarbiyyah; satu lujnah yang amat strategik dalam merekrut anggota baru.

Tanzim yang diasaskan di Maktab Sains Mara berjaya menarik keanggotaan pelajar dan seterusnya Mohamad Ziad dan rakan-rakannya membuat tour ke kolej persediaan lain seperti Kolej NCUK Shah Alam dan Kolej Mara Banting. Mereka meminjamkan buku-buku kepada kenalan mereka di kolej ini seperti buku Apa Ertinya Saya Menganut Islam dan Risalah Usrah. Bermula dari tour yang dibuat, mereka membentuk jaringan kenalan yang akhirnya membantu Mohamad Ziad dan rakan-rakannya menyusun tanzim di UK yang dikenali sebagai Hizbi UK.

Mohamad Ziad tiba di UK pada tahun 1995. Walaupun bertaraf senior di dalam Hizbi UK, beliau memilih untuk bergerak di belakang tabir. Beliau bersama rakan-rakannya menubuhkan kumpulan nasyid yang menyampaikan mesej Hizbi yang digelar Suara Tajdid. Mohamad Ziad adalah seorang pemidato dan pendeklamator sajak yang handal. Ketika peristiwa Demonstrasi Anti Pasukan Kriket Yahudi tercetus di Masjid Ar-Rahman, Universiti Malaya tahun 1997 dan berkesudahan dengan kekerasan pasukan FRU terhadap demonstran, Mohamad Ziad mengecam Dr Mahathir melalui sajak “Engkaukah Yang Angkuh?”. Rakaman ini diedarkan melalui talian Internet bersama-sama dengan lagu “Tragedi Masjid Ar-Rahman”.

Pernah ketika Raihan melonjakkan irama nasyid di Malaysia, Mohamad Ziad dan rakan-rakannya membuat rancangan menganjurkan Malam Kesenian Islam peringkat UK di Birmigham pada musim dingin tahun 1996. Mohamad Ziad bertindak sebagai pengarah pementasan dan penulis skrip bagi pementasan bertajuk “Salahuddin Al Ayyubi”. Mohamad Ziad dan rakan-rakannya kemudiannya menjemput Ketua Pemuda PAS ketika itu, Ustaz Abu Bakar Chik untuk datang ke Birmingham,UK merasmikannya. Program tersebut berjaya menarik kehadiran seramai 2000 pelajar dari serata UK. Ia satu catatan sejarah bagi Hizbi.

ziad-ahli-hizbi

Mohamad Ziad juga berperanan membuat jalinan persahabatan pelajar di peringkat antarabangsa. Beliau pernah ke Jordan bertemu rakan-rakannya di sana dan mengajak mereka ke UK membantunya menjayakan aktiviti perkaderan. Antara pelajar yang ditemuinya termasuklah Hasrizal yang kemudiannya datang menginap di UK membantunya menggerakkan Hizbi. Beliau juga pernah berhubung dengan sekutu Hizbi di US iaitu MISNA. Hizbi berjaya menganjurkan himpunan pelajar Malaysia sedunia di Manchester pada tahun 1998. Wakil MISNA, Zuhairi, yang juga merupakan ahli kumpulan nasyid MISNA, Usrah Ar-Raihan, hadir mewakili badan itu. Wakil PMRAM, Aminurrasyid, hadir mewakili negara Timur Tengah. Tahun-tahun berikutnya perhimpunan ini dipindahkan ke Madinah untuk membolehkan pesertanya hadir dan mengambil kesempatan mengerjakan Umrah. Melalui jalinan antarabangsa ini, Mohamad Ziad dan rakan-rakannya berjaya merekrut pelajar Malaysia yang menuntut di universiti serata dunia  ke dalam PAS. Golongan ini kemudiannya pulang ke Malaysia dan memegang berbagai jawatan penting di dalam Kerajaan dan GLC. Mohamad Ziad berperanan sebagai salah satu communication hub di antara mereka.

wan-saiful-and-ziad

Pada tahun 1999, Mohamad Ziad bersama seorang lagi rakannya di dalam kumpulan Suara Tajdid mengambil keputusan menyambung pelajaran di London dan seterusnya membantu mengukuhkan Hizbi di London. Dengan kehadirannya, Hizbi menjadi kuat sehingga akhirnya menyebabkan Menteri Noh Omar datang ke London membuat kenyataan mengharamkan Hizbi. Ketika pengharaman itu dibuat, Mohamad Ziad telahpun pulang ke tanahair, namun sajak yang dideklamasikannya tetap dimainkan oleh rakan-rakannya sebagai pemangkin semangat mereka. Rakan-rakannya membalas kenyataan pengharaman tersebut dengan membuat kenyataan akhbar.

Sepertimana sebelum ini, Mohamad Ziad memilih untuk hidup low profile tetapi penuh strategik. Sebagaimana Khairy Jamaludin mengahwini anak Abdullah Badawi Perdana Menteri Malaysia, Mohamad Ziad mengambil langkah berani mengahwini anak Tajol Rosli Menteri Besar Perak. Akan tetapi beliau tidak terlalu terburu-buru melompat ke dalam hirarki UMNO. Beliau bergerak dengan penuh berhati-hati agar tidak dikesan musuhnya terutama sekali bekas ahli Kelab UMNO UK yang sudah tentu berjaya menghidu kisahnya di UK.

Kini, setelah 10 tahun menanti, beliau bolos masuk sebagai calon BN di DUN Manjoi. Sukar diramal strateginya kali ini.

umno-tikam-belakang

 
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Posted by on April 19, 2013 in Uncategorized

 

Mengapa ISMA tidak mahu bersatu dengan IKRAM?

Saya sedikit terganggu dengan seruan-seruan daripada ISMA sejak kebelakangan ini.

Seruan yang menyeru kepada kesatuan umat Melayu dalam bentuk kesepaduan politik antara PAS dan UMNO. Seruan yang secara dasarnya baik, namun seruan-seruan tersebut kebanyakannya terjurus hanya kepada Parti PAS, seolah-olah Parti Islam ini sahajalah yang salah dan ego. Seolah-olah perpecahan umat Melayu di Malaysia hanyalah kerana wujudnya parti ini. Digambarkan kepada massa bahawa amanat Presiden Parti pada tahun 1981 inilah yang menjadi punca kepada ketidak sepaduan umat.

Namun, sebelum menyalahkan PAS, saya ingin mengingatkan pembaca kepada beberapa fakta sejarah.

Bukan salah PAS, pada tahun 1951 apabila ulama’- ulama’ UMNO keluar parti dan bersama-sama menubuhkan Parti Islam SeTanah Melayu sebagai protes kepada penajaan loteri oleh UMNO atas nama kebajikan. Itu dulu, sekarang syarikat-syarikat judi terbesar negara sekarang, syernya dipegang oleh orang-orang UMNO. Syarikat arak terbesar di Asia Tenggara (San Miguel) milik anak bekas PM Umno. Salahkah PAS sekiranya mereka tidak mempercayai orang-orang sebegini ?

Bukan salah PAS menentang UMNO yang sinonim dengan majlis tari menari disertai arak di Parlimen pada tahun 1950an hingga 1970 an. Perkara ini hanya terhapus bila PAS yang menyertai Parti Perikatan pada tahun 1969, menyatakan bantahan keras kepada upacara sebegini.

Bukan salah PAS juga yang mencurigai keikhlasan UMNO dalam seruan kesatuan mereka, yang sewaktu mereka lemah menjemput PAS sebagai anggota parti perikatan pada tahun 1969 namun setelah kuat ditendang keluar hujung 1970 an.

Bukan salah PAS juga yang menentang UMNO, yang pemimpinnya tanpa segan silu mencerca perundangan Islam pada tahun 1980 an sehingga lahirnya amanat Haji Hadi yang tujuannya hanya menerangkan intipati kitab mastika hadis, batasan antara iman dan kufur.

Bukan salah PAS yang mencurigai UMNO kerana parti ini jugalah yang menghalang pembayaran royalti kepada kerajaan PAS Terengganu pada tahun 1999. Terkini, Kelantan juga dinafikan hak yang sama.

Bukan salah PAS sekiranya tidak mempercayai UMNO yang dari dulu hingga sekarang kerana pemimpinnya sering kali terlibat dalam rasuah dan skandal moral.

Di sebalik seruan UMNO kepada kesatuan, mereka masih belum menunjukkan tanda-tanda bahawa mereka telah insaf dan enggan mengulangi kesilapan yang telah mereka buat. Jadi bukan salah PAS sekiranya mereka enggan menyambut seruan perpaduan UMNO.

Nasihat saya kepada ISMA, seruan kepada kesatuan anda haruslah difokuskan kepada UMNO, si pembuat salah dan bukan kepada PAS yang tidak mahu bersama UMNO kerana kesalahan-kesalahan yang dibuat.

Oh ya, saya juga ingin menyeru kepada ISMA yang lantang dengan seruan kesatuannya agar bergabung dan bersatu dengan IKRAM, kerana anda berdua lahir dari kantung dan punyai matlamat yang sama. Kalau kesepaduan sesama gerakan Islam pun anda tidak boleh buat, usahlah menyeru kepada kesatuan dua parti politik yang 180 darjah bezanya.

Perseteruan PAS dan UMNO hanyalah membenarkan sabda Rasulullah yang menyatakan bahawa umatnya tidak akan bersatu dalam kesesatan.

 

Oleh: Txxx xxxxxx Txxxx xxxxxx

 
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Posted by on January 9, 2013 in Uncategorized

 

Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS) : An Overview of Their Competitiveness and Strategies after 2004 Elections

cached from:http://ahmeddzakirin.blogspot.com/2011/02/prosperous-and-justice-party-pks_23.html

Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS) : An Overview of Their Competitiveness and Strategies after 2004 Elections

Diposkan oleh Ahmad Dzakirin On 08.35
*Bachtiar Firdaus
Introduction 

This paper provides an analysis on the PKS Competitiveness, their strategies and its interaction with the Government of Indonesia (GOI)  using Porter’s Diamond  and J Curve frameworks with effort to smooth and to sustain their policy reform process. In the first section, it will analyze the background of PKS movement and analyze their competitiveness and their strategies movement in Indonesia political world. The second part will examine the PKS interaction and their impacts to the GOI. The third section will give recommendation for the PKS activities in the future to overcome and to sustain the PKS movement and conclude their role in the Indonesian political development.   

PKS Movement 
  1. PKS Background
PKS is based on the campus and school dakwah (the propagation/preaching of Islamic faith) movement which arose in the late 1970s and expand their  movement to NGO social service during 1980s-1990s base on adoption of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) strategy movement. After they  founded KAMMI (Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia or Indonesian Muslim Student Action Union), as a one of “avant-garde” of student movement which took active role in the reformation movement during 1998s, they established their “new face” as a new political party, the Justice Party on July 20, 1998, with Dr Nurmahmudi Ismail as its first president. The Justice Party was reconstituted as the Prosperous Justice Party in April 2003 after the Justice Party failed to meet the required two percent of electoral threshold in the 1999 election that it needed to contest the 2004 election.

During the 2004 legislative elections with Dr M Hidayat Nur Wahid as its second president (now is the Chairman of the MPR RI), using “clean and caring” campaign with their constant incorruptible legislators and their active involvement in providing community service, the PKS won 7.3% of the popular vote and 45 out of 550 seats, making it the seventh-largest party in Indonesia parliament. For the 2009 elections, with Ir Tifatul Sembiring as its third president, the PKS set their target to get at least 20 % of the popular vote legislative election which will act as a base to support its own president candidate in the presidential election.

PKS (also its former party: PK) declares from the beginning that their party is different from other party because PKS is “dakwah party” which means their primary goal is the promotion of Islam and uses it as a foundation of their policies . Besides that, they also states that PKS organization principle is “al hizb huwal jama’ah – al jama’ah huwal hizb” which means that the party is jama’ah (religious organization) and jama’ah is the party.

Different from other Islamist parties, PKS leaders have often spoken of their support for a society based on “the Madinah Charter”, an agreement between the Muslim community led by the Prophet Muhammad and the non Muslim citizens of the Madinah city. They believed that the Madinah Charter is preferable to the Jakarta Charter because it has been proven to work in a pluralistic society and provides guarantees for non Muslim citizens base on the same principles as a Muslims citizens like equality, rule of law, and justice.

  1. PKS Competitiveness and Strategies 
PKS’s competitiveness in Indonesia political condition were analyze base on Porter’s Diamond  framework which has been modified and focusing on PKS’s performance in which PKS develop their identity, resources, capabilities, and managerial styles. To sustain its competitive advantage, PKS requires good practice not only in their operational effectiveness, but also in their dynamic advantage that they must broaden and extend the basis of their competitive advantage by constantly innovate and upgrade their performance. The Porter’s Diamond consists of PKS factors condition; PKS strategy and rivalry; PKS demands condition; and PKS supporting and related institution as describes in Exhibit 1. PKS’s openness and stability were analyze base on modified J Curve framework which has been modified and focusing on the notion that PKS are stable either because they are open or because they are closed as describes in Exhibit 2.

Elizabeth Collins argues that PKS leadership has largely succeeded achieving good image as the party of moral reform while engaged in pragmatic politics and good choice as moderate Islamist party, but they have not yet found a way to extend their base to organized labor, peasants and unemployed poor. This paper will show that after 2004, her judgment about PKS success is not accurate anymore, PKS has change in terms of their decreasing image as the party of moral reform (as a result of their involvement in the ruling government); constant as a moderate Islamist party but has expanded their base to organized labor, peasants and unemployed poor.

PKS Factors Condition 

PKS have a strong Islamic ideology which inspired from MB movements (especially their ideology and recruitment strategies) and they had about 500 000 members in 2005 with special characterized: clean, young, educated, loyal, and committed members. They also had broad organizations structure in every province and district in Indonesia and every “kecamatan” in Java. Differ fro other parties, PKS had many regular activities including continuous recruitment, training, development social and humanitarian service which not depend on election term cycle.

PKS members are known of their homogeny style as a result of their “tarbiyah” (refers to the Islamic education process in which PKS member join a small circles groups (halaqah) where they taught about the Islamic values and its implementation in their daily life including discuss party programs) activities and mostly have urban background as a result of their higher education, less in the rural areas.

Their organization weaknesses are: first, they tend to be a modern party organization but they do not use performance base and activity base costing in their activities. Secondly, their ideology has been perceived as transnational ideology which not base on Indonesian culture or tradition. Thirdly, they only have a little funding, mainly from members and only a little portion from private-public sectors. Fourth, there is little involvement of a new prominent person from outside party organization. As a result, they only have modest expertise to plan and implement their movement to the “real world”.

PKS Strategy and Rivalry 

After Soeharto era, GOI regulation has been favoring democracy with permitting “multy party” model and “free press” in their democracy. There is competition between political parties with different ideology. PKS gain benefit from the weaknesses in others political parties which still deal with old problems: their corrupt culture; “traditional” party; and least activities (only have activities during election campaign). Compare to other parties, PKS relatively well organized in their “fighting programs” (program perjuangan) which change every five years following Indonesia election cycle.

PKS always has been suspect of their possibility to implement Sharia law to move Indonesia in the direction towards Islamic state. After 2004 election, PKS clear and caring platform has been diminish, not only because their involvement in the ruling government (where it took unpopular decision to raise fuel prices and its association with the GOI’s ineffectiveness and corruptibility), but also their zigzags towards governor, mayor or regent candidates election with no visible common political and no common standard track records background . PKS starting act as an opportunistic political party which supports anyone who might get into power.

PKS’s legislators and executives have weakness in making, implement, evaluate public policy concept. They tend to have difficulties in transform their Islamist and populist idea to be a bills, laws, and regulations. PKS also have weakness in making stable alliance with others institutions including Islamic base organization like Nahdatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, Hidayatullah, and Persatuan Islam which perceive that PKS will take their “traditional” grassroots and infiltrate their institutions.

At the same time, PKS has more intense competition from other Islamist base organization like Hizbut Tahrir and Salafiy movements which tend to do the same mass recruitment in the schools and campuses that has been base of PKS movement’s.  This condition has been worsen with terrorism issues and Islamist radicalism in which PKS still do not have clear position. Another issues is unity of others political parties especially nationalist parties to challenge PKS movement in the provincial and regional elections. The last but not the least is PKS less capability in dealing with mass media relation and public opinion which resulted in their decreasing image.  

PKS Demands Condition 

Again, after Soeharto era, Indonesian tends to have more demand to stop the “KKN” (acronym of Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism) which benefit PKS as a new party who perceived consistent to fight the KKN. Besides that, Indonesian also tends to say enough to status quo element which again benefit PKS as a new party who consist of “new kids in the block” in the political arena. But these advantages can not easily combine to be a winning factor for PKS because they also have less capability to overcome the Indonesia social economic problem and have problem with their consistency in fighting the KKN. After 2004 election, massive publication about PKS legislators and PKS executives who succeed in fighting against corruption is not heard anymore, compare to its successive campaign about it before 2004 election.

PKS platform and program only understood by a moderate professional in middle class. Their platform also not been actively discuss in the public arena and challenge with other political parties platform. Except their intention to act base on Islamic values, their platform can only have little portion that really distinguished them from their competitors and rarely fought around the issues of fiscal policy and economic management that often dominate political debate in the West. Another challenge is “temptation” to tolerate other PKS members who became legislators and executives in the ruling government and to maintain stable alliance. At the same time, PKS social activities have been copied by other parties and institutions. As a result, to gain more voters and support from citizens, PKS need to act not only base on “charity” activities, but also “advocating” and “empowering” activities like continue to fight the KKN and be professional in their public roles.  

PKS Supporting and Related Institutions 

As a  dakwah party, PKS had many direct or indirect affiliate  dakwah institutions in campuses, schools, and many social services institutions in society which act as sources of recruitment and activities. Its ranging from KAMMI, LDK (Lembaga Dakwah Kampus or Campus Dakwah Institution) and LDS (Lembaga Dakwah Sekolah or School Dakwah Institution) which PKS only have indirect influence from its activist (they activist always change every years) to dakwah institutions like Khairu Ummah, Ma’had al Hikmah in Jakarta or Ma’had al Qud’wah in Depok which PKS have direct influence. PKS also controlled the student councils of many Indonesia’s largest and most prestigious state universities.

PKS also have many cadres and members who active in PKPU (Pos Keadilan Peduli Ummat or the National Humanitarian Foundation), BSMI (Bulan Sabit Merah Indonesia or Indonesian Red Crescent), JSIT (Jaringan Sekolah Islam Terpadu or  Integrated Islamic School), and ISTECS (Institute for Science and Technology Studies) which spread across Indonesia. They not only use these dakwah network to provide social service but also used and continued to be used as the key in recruiting members for PKS.

Despite have affiliation with many institutions above, PKS only have a little and small professional organization and think-thank institutions which is not the case in other Islamist movement like MB in Egypt who have a lot of it. Their dakwah institutions mostly consist of homogeny institutions not heterogenic institutions, therefore its influence is limited. They also weak in the business network empowerment which base on professionalism not base on politics/KKN.

PKS Openness

PKS membership is open to Indonesian but new member should oath to the God and to the Prophet to be a good activist in their activities. They also have non Muslim at their regional board in a largely non Muslim province like Irian Jaya, Sulawesi Utara and Nusa Tenggara Timur which demonstrates that PKS is tolerant of non Muslims and their right to express their views and be involved in politics.

As a cadre’s organization, PKS’s members should establish strong record of  tarbiyah involvement, to service their community and also showing detailed knowledge of PKS ideology and policies. In the PKS  tarbiyah process, the new members should start from anggota pemula  (beginning member), anggota muda (young member), anggota madya (intermediate member), anggota dewasa (mature member) and anggota ahli (expert member) which each duration length process ranging from 2-5 years for each stage.

As a result of their tarbiyah process, it’s difficult to engage prominent persons into PKS because they have to start from the beginning. To accommodate this situation, PKS leaders established Dewan Pakar (Advisory Council of Expert for the Party) in February 2004 who is to advise the young leaders of PKS on political, economic and social issues . But the  tarbiyah processes also have been concern of PKS leaders as a trade off between their position as cadre’s based party or as mass bases party strategies  which can change and resulted in different form of their organization process.  

PKS Stability 

As a  dakwah party which have “al hizb huwal jama’ah – al jama’ah huwal hizb” as organization principles (it means that for the cadre’s, the party is their  jama’ah/religious organization and jama’ah is their party), PKS is well known of their well organized by cadres. Their cadres will follow whatever their leaders decided to which known as “sami’na wa atho’na” principle (we listen and we obey), as long as it do not violate Islamic values which resulted in the militancy of their cadres.

Their highest institution is the Consultative Council (Majelis Syuro) which sets the party vision and elects the party’s Central Board, Majelis Pertimbangan Pusat and Dewan Syariah Pusat. Members of the Consultative Council are in turn elected by senior cadres called “core member” which reflects Lenin’s notion of “the democratic centralism” (whereby rank and file members are strictly subordinate to the leadership, decision making is to be central in formulation with rank and file members copying out orders received but higher bodies are to be democratically accountable to the membership at periodic meetings) to project the power of an ideological perspective into the political arena.  

III. PKS Interaction with the GOI and Its Impact 

Since founded, PKS and its former party PK, always uses massive dakwah movement in schools and campuses which resulted in new Islamic culture in Indonesia such as many young women wear long headscarves, many children study Al Qur’an and Islamic text and many men in PKS do not smoke. PKS is the first party after “orde baru” which use Islam as ideology. After 1999 election, despite its small votes (only 1.36 % of the vote), they actively involved in the “poros tengah” (central axis) which appeared to prevent Megawati becoming President and succeeded in making Abdurrahman Wahid as a President and Amien Rais as a Chairman of MPR. After that, in October 1999, Dr Nur Mahmudi Ismail was appointed as a Minister of forestry and resigned as a PK President and in their National Syuro on Mei 2000, PKS elected Dr M Hidayat Nur Wahid as a new PK President.

During his leadership, PKS made several unique characteristic such as: it’s known of their peaceful and well ordered capability in organizing several big mass demonstrations which get more sympathize from public; they also actively engaged in the social activity and “search and rescue” programs such as flood, natural disaster, or accident like fire; and their also actively involved in Sharia implementation at several region like Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, Cianjur, Bekasi and so on.

Based on that special characteristics combine with successful campaign of Clear and Caring jargon on issues of corruption and good governance proved by their legislative member and their executive minister (Dr Nur Mahmudi Ismail and Suripto in Minister of Forestry) during 1999-2004 era; their moderate views; also their ability to avoid major corruption scandals or internal party conflict; and their militant members active participation, during 2004 election they was the only party that contested in the 1999 elections who make major gains in the 2004 parliamentary elections, lifting its vote to 7.3 % to have 1100 member of legislative in central and local government.

After that, they involved in the “Koalisi Kerakyatan” which support President SBY and succeeded making Dr Hidayat Nur Wahid as a Chairman of MPR. In the Cabinet, PKS also get several ministerial position: Dr Anton Apriyantono as a Minister of Agriculture, M Yusuf Asyari MSi as a Minister of People’s Housing, and Dr Adhyaksa Dault as a Minister of Youth and Sport.

IV. Recommendation and Conclusion 

Recommendation for the PKS activities in the Future Based on analysis above, PKS problem tree analyses are describe in Exhibit 3. To overcome their challenge and problem above, there are several proposals for PKS management process reform to smooth and to sustain its implementation base on the 7-S Framework, which are:

1.    Strategy, the PKS leaders has to act quickly and decisive to get public acceptance and public confidence before 2009 election. Besides that, the PKS leaders should establish new internal commission which have strong investigatory powers and also work to prevent internal incompetence and ineffective activities, not just to find but punish those caught at being corrupt. They also have to work closely with PKS members to sustain their effort to take a leading role in Indonesia political in order to implement justice and give prosperous to Indonesian peoples.
2.    Structure, PKS should use of divisional organization form or matrix organization form which designed to react quickly and effectively to threats and opportunities related to its focus (e.g. to overcome PKS incompetent and ineffective management process problems). To achieve its strategy, PKS will focuses on three corresponding functions, which are the operation function which analyze, propose, implement and evaluate daily activities; the internal commission which carry out the vulnerability assessment and deal with it; and the community relation function which gather support and information from the public.
3.    Systems, to insure it’s clear and caring in the internal organization practices, PKS should conduct heavy rewards and punishment systems. PKS should establish renewable contracts of one year and make sure that renewal is base on effective performance of their executive and legislative members. Besides that, PKS should have internal commission unit that have power to scrutiny their officers to raise the risk of being caught and to reduce incentive to do incompetent and ineffective activities.
4.   Staffing, to get public’s support and confidence, PKS should recruit their executives, legislatives, and Central Board members base on solely of their capability (skills) and credibility (honesty and integrity). The new recruits of their executives and legislatives members should be inquiry to intense their background checks.
5.   Skills, PKS officers should be train by the expert from other “best” organizations including business organizations to study and to apply most advanced skills, techniques and equipments in dealing with management of modern organization.
6.   Style, to get involved in something as sensitive as the organization reforms, PKS leaders and officers should act as a truly professional (expert, skilled, and even certified) and work together with other PKS affiliate institutions and with PKS member in doing their job to impress and to get support from all of Indonesian citizenry.
7.   Shared Values, to fulfill its mission to reform PKS incompetent and ineffective management process, PKS should conceptualize their mission in three parts, which are they will raise the risk of being caught on corruption, they will recommend the reorganize of PKS bureaucracies to reduce opportunities of incompetent and ineffective, and they will raise the moral costs of being incompetent and ineffective. PKS also have to spread their anti incompetent and ineffective messages and values to the public with new jargon: “Clear, Caring, and Professional” through of mass media involvement including TV advertisement, radio programs, and special pamphlets.
To support the assessment above, there are several recommendations of PKS incompetent and ineffective management process reform to smooth its implementation base on 3C2M Framework, which are:
1.  Communications, do not forget to prepare information materials about the incompetent and ineffective management reform process in various ways: starts from policy briefs documents, policy options agenda, and press releases in multimedia to assure that their management process reforms can be recognize and get full support from  various stakeholders. To support communications in their management process reform,  PKS leaders should approach their officers, cadres, and members with transparency in providing sufficient background, its technical underpinning and the explanation of proposed management reforms.
2.  Champions, to introduce and get attention in their management process reform justification, PKS need credible spokespersons from various backgrounds including their top leaders, religious key person, prominent management process experts, outstanding “murobbi” (tarbiyah teachers), and even their nasyid (religious singer) stars. These champions can break the initial barriers to communicate their management process reform and to provide more complex and technical information.
3.   Coalitions, in every reform and change, there are supporters of status quo who feel their will lose in the management process reform. If PKS reformists do not prepare to make counter coalition to balance the status quo, PKS reformist will lose the management process reform. After PKS reformists made the management process reform coalition, it will help PKS reformists position in the dialogue and discussion about it. PKS reformists can offer the opponent of the management process reform to be part of the management process reform review committee. This can reduced the tension between proponent and opponent off the management process reform.
4.   Mobilizations, to support and maintain the coalition and management process reform, PKS need an imaginative and participative employment of advocacy groups including various task forces, advisory groups, and steering committees which can build consensus in each province and region. To boost the credibility and capability of the management process reform, PKS need to conduct various meetings such as conferences, seminars, public hearings, summits, consultations, and workshop. These events also can create good publication and public opinion to back up PKS position. 5.  Managements of Perceptions, to make management process reform succeed, PKS need assurance from their top leaders to always support management process reform. These can make mass media role easier in shaping public opinion to support the management process reform because there is unity of view of PKS top leaders.
Conclusion: PKS Role in the Indonesian Political Development 

To be effective in dealing with PKS incompetent and ineffective management process reform, PKS must have a high degree of fit or well aligned among these 7-C elements (internal alignment) that is each S is consistent with and reinforces the other S’s. Besides that, PKS also should stay aligned with their external environment including the GOI, other GOI institutions and Indonesian citizenry to get their sustain support to overcome PKS incompetent and ineffective management process problems.


 *Alumnus LKYSPP, NUS, Singapore

 
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Posted by on November 30, 2012 in Uncategorized

 

Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party

Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2013)
Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party
ڤرتي اسلام س-مليسيا
Parti Islam Se-Malaysia
马来西亚伊斯兰党
மலேசிய இஸ்லாமிய கட்சி
PAS logo.svg
Leader Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat (Spiritual Advisor)
Abdul Hadi Awang (President)
Deputy President Mohamad Sabu
Founded 1951
Headquarters Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Newspaper Harakah
Youth wing Dewan Pemuda PAS
Ideology Islamism,
Islamic democracy,
Religious conservatism
National affiliation Barisan Nasional (1974–78)
Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah(1989–1996)
Barisan Alternatif (1999–2004)
Pakatan Rakyat (2008–present)
Colors White, Green
Parliament:
21 / 222
Website
pas.org.my
Politics of Malaysia
Political parties
Elections
Politics of Malaysia.png
This article is part of a series on the
politics and government of
Malaysia

The Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (Jawi: ڤرتي اسلام س-مليسيا, MalayParti Islam Se-MalaysiaChinese: 马来西亚伊斯兰党, Tamil: மலேசிய இஸ்லாமிய கட்சி) commonly known as PAS or Pas, is an Islamist political party in Malaysia and is currently headed by Dato’ Seri Abdul Hadi Awang. PAS positions itself as a political party that aims to establish Malaysia as a country based on Islamic legal theory derived from the primary sources of Islam, the QuranSunnah as well as Hadiths, as opposed to Barisan Nasional‘s Islam Hadhari, which PAS sees as based on a watered-down understanding of Islam.[1]

The party enjoys strong support from the northern rural and conservative states such as Kelantan and Terengganu and it also enjoys strong support from developed state such as Selangor. It is also the first opposition party in independent Malaysia’s history to defeat the Barisan Nasional coalition in a Malay dominated state. PAS, together with Parti Keadilan Rakyat (known as PKR), and Democratic Action Party (known as DAP) formed part of a coalition called Pakatan Rakyat following the 2008 election. Together, Pakatan Rakyat now controls three states in Malaysia which are Kelantan,Selangor and Penang. Now, many young people from other states support this party such as KedahPahangPerak and Johor.

 

 

History[edit]

The formation of Hizbul Muslimin[edit]

In March 1947, the first Pan-Islamic Malaysian conference at Madrasah Ma’ahad al-Ehya as-Sharif at Gunung Semanggul, Perak, was held. The conference was sponsored by Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) under the leadership of Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy. The conference set out to address the economic problems faced by the Malay-Muslims. It was meant to bring together the more politically active and progressive Islamic movements and thinkers in the country. As a result of this conference, the Majlis Agama Tertinggi (Supreme Religious Council, MATA) of Malaya was formed.

MATA began organising political events and meetings for Malay-Muslim activists to meet and discuss their plans for the future and the need to mobilise the masses. The Council also organised a conference on March 13–16, 1948 which discussed local and international issues which are of concern to the public. The conference participants felt that UMNO was not doing enough to raise important issues in public and that the conservative-nationalists were not doing enough to stand up for Malay-Muslim rights. Needless to say, the UMNO representatives at MATA were not happy with the tone of discussion set by the Islamists, which was too revolutionary and militant for their taste. The UMNO delegates reported their findings and observations to the party leaders. In due course, UMNO leader Dato Onn Jaafar began to issue warnings about the “threat from the mountain” (a reference to Gunung Semanggul).

The Parti Orang Muslimin Malaya (Hizbul Muslimin) was formed on March 17, 1948. Syeikh Abdullah Fahim, the paternal grandfather of former Prime MinisterAbdullah Ahmad Badawi, played a major role in its formation. After the second conference it declared that MATA should be reorganised as an Islamic political party. With the formation of Hizbul Muslimin, all political activities were transferred to the organisation. MATA served as the party’s religious affairs bureau. However, the first Islamist party in Malaya was not destined to last long, as they were banned by the British authorities anxious to retain control of the territories, alleging that Hizbul Muslimin have ties with the Communist Party of Malaya.

Demise and revival[edit]

Many members of Hizbul Muslimin escaped the purge of the British and joined UMNO. When the ulama faction in UMNO broke away from the party, they formed an association called Persatuan Islam Sa-Malaya (PIS) (Pan-Islamic Malayan Association),[2] abbreviated as PAS. At the time, the association charter allowed for dual membership in PAS and UMNO and thus many PAS members thought of themselves as UMNO members and vice-versa. Eventually, the dual-membership clause in the party charter was revoked and PAS began to emerge as a distinct entity.[3] For the sake of contesting in the general election of 1955, the party was re-registered under the name Pan-Islamic Malayan Party (PIMP). The name was later changed to Parti Islam Se-Malaysiaduring the Asri Muda era in the 1970s.[4]

Recent development[edit]

In 1999, riding a groundswell of popular protest after the arrest and conviction of former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, PAS allied itself with the Democratic Action Party (DAP) andKeadilan (PKR), founded by Anwar Ibrahim‘s wife Wan Azizah by forming a coalition known as Barisan Alternatif. In the general election, PAS took over Terengganu from the Barisan Nasional.

In the 2004 Malaysian general election, the party’s strength was greatly reduced.[1] It won merely seven parliamentary seats, a significant decrease from the 27 parliamentary seats it had won in the 1999 general election. The party leader, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang even lost his parliamentary seat. PAS also lost control of Terengganu but retained control of Kelantan with a very slim majority of 24 out of 45 seats. [2]. The party’s majority in Kelantan’s state assembly was further reduced to 23 seats following the Pengkalan Pasir by-election in 2005 which left them with the majority of only one seat in the state assembly.

Alternative flag of PAS, occasionally flown along the official full-moon-on-a-green-field flag

In the recent 2008 Malaysian general election, PAS once again allied with the DAP and Anwar Ibrahim’s PKR in an alliance known as Pakatan Rakyat. The party made a comeback in Kelantan, winning 38 out of 45 seats as well as managing to take control of the west coast state of Kedah, and formed coalition governments in PenangPerak and Selangor, even providing Perak with its Chief Minister, though he was toppled following a series of defections in the state assembly the following year. The party also increased its share of MPs in the Malaysian Parliament from seven to 23.

 
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Posted by on November 30, 2012 in Uncategorized

 

Masyumi Party

Masyumi Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Masyumi Party
Partai Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia
MasyumiPartyLogo.jpg
Founded 1945
Dissolved 1960
Headquarters Jakarta
Ideology IslamPan-Islamism
Politics of Indonesia
Political parties
Elections

Masyumi Party (IndonesianPartai Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia) (Council of Indonesian Muslim Associations) was a major Islamic political party in Indonesia during the Liberal Democracy Era in Indonesia. It was banned in 1960 by President Sukarno for supporting the PRRI rebellion.

 

History[edit]

Masyumi was the name given to an organization established by the occupying Japanese in 1943 in an attempt to control Islam in Indonesia.[1]Following the Indonesian Declaration of Independence, on 7 November 1945 a new organization called Masyumi was formed. In less than a year it became the largest political party in Indonesia. It included the Islamic organizations such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. During the period of liberal democracy era, Masyumi members had seats in the People’s Representative Council and the party supplied prime ministers such asMuhammad Natsir and Burhanuddin Harahap.[2]

President Sukarno at a 1954 Masyumi convention

Masyumi came second in the 1955 election. It won 7,903,886 votes, representing 20.9% of the popular vote,[3] resulting in 57 seats in parliament. Masyumi was popular in modernist Islamic regions such as West SumatraJakarta, and Aceh. 51.3% of Masyumi’s vote came from Java, but Masyumi was the dominant party for regions outside Java, and it established itself as the leading party for the one third of people living outside Java.[4][5] InSumatraKalimantan, and Sulawesi, Masyumi gained a significant share of the vote. In Sumatra, 42.8% voted for Masyumi.[6] while the figure for Kalimantan was 32%,[7] and for Sulawesi 33.9%.[8]

In 1958, some Masyumi members joined the PRRI rebellion against Sukarno. As a result, in 1960 Masyumi (and the Socialist Party) were banned.[9]

Following the banning, Masyumi members and followers established the Crescent Star Family (IndonesianKeluarga Bulan Bintang) to campaign for Islamic shariah law and teachings. An attempt was made to reestablish the party following the transition to the New Order, but this was not permitted. After the fall of Suharto in 1998, another attempt was made to revive the party name, but eventually Masyumi followers and others established theCrescent Star Party, which contested the legislative elections in 19992004 and 2009.[10]

Notes[edit]

  1. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991) p194
  2. Jump up^ Simanjuntak (2003)
  3. Jump up^ Feith (2007)
  4. Jump up^ Feith (2007) p436-437
  5. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991) p238
  6. Jump up^ Sumatera, Runtuhnya Benteng Penguasaan Partai.http://epaper.kompas.com. February 13, 2009.
  7. Jump up^ Kalimantan, Heterogenitas yang Statishttp://epaper.kompas.com. February 19, 2009.
  8. Jump up^ Sulawesi, Merangkai Konfigurasi Baru Penguasaan Politik.http://epaper.kompas.com. February 27, 2009.
  9. Jump up^ Ricklefs (1991) p256
  10. Jump up^ ‘ Bambang Setiawan & Bestian Nainggolan (Eds) (2004) pp54-55

References[edit]

  • Bambang Setiawan & Bestian Nainggolan (Eds) (2004) ‘Partai-Partai Politik Indonesia: Ideologi dan Program 2004-2009 (Indonesian Political Parties: Ideologies and Programs 2004-2009Kompas (1999) ISBN 978-979-709-121-7 Indonesian
  • Feith, Herbert (2007) The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia Equinox Publishing (Asia) Pte Ltd, ISBN 978-979-3780-45-0
  • Ricklefs, M.C. (1991). A history of modern Indonesia since c.1200. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-4480-5
  • Simanjuntak, P.H.H (2003) Kabinet-Kabinet Republik Indonesia: Dari Awal Kemerdekaan Sampai Reformasi (Cabinets of the Republic of Indonesia: From the Start of Independence to the Reform era, Penerbit Djambatan, Jakarta, ISBN 978-979-428-499-5
  • Feith, Herbert (1999) Pemilihan Umum 1955 di Indonesia (Translated from The Indonesian Elections of 1955) Kepustakaan Popular Gramedia ISBN 978-979-9023-26-1

See also[edit]

 
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Posted by on November 30, 2012 in Uncategorized